Santee Alley

Santee Alley is a shopping alley within the Fashion District located between Santee Street, Maple Avenue, Olympic Boulevard, and 12^th Street in downtown Los Angeles. In the 1970s, wholesalers from the Fashion District started selling overrun items and were later joined by department stores that brought merchandise to be resold. Overtime, Santee Alley has become a popular destination for shoppers and attracts visitors from everywhere.  

Most of the vendors in Santee Alley are immigrants from different parts of the world such as Latin America, Korea, and the Middle East. Many of them speak Spanish or hire Spanish and English speaking employees to communicate with consumers, who are mainly Latino. Research has shown that flea markets are popular areas for immigrants, who may lack the resources to be employed in the formal sector, to explore informal economic activities and begin their own business. For Latinos, business ownership is also a way to overcome job market discrimination and a strategy for intergenerational mobility. A lack of resources pushes many immigrant minorities to operate their own businesses at home or in flea markets to develop entrepreneurial skills, capital, and experience. This is evident in Santee Alley where many of the shops are “mom and pop” stores that have less than five employees, which may include unpaid family workers. 

The Great American Boycott in 2006 shows the importance of immigrant populations in Santee Alley. This one-day boycott was a protest against the anti-immigration movement and a demand of legalization programs for non-citizens. Santee Alley shops closed down due to a high rate of employees taking part in the demonstration and as an expression of solidarity to emphasize the importance of unauthorized immigrant labor in the country. The shut down of a popular shopping area shows the influence and power that immigrant populations have in the city’s political economy.

Despite having a strong presence in Santee Alley, there is a high turnover rate for immigrant vendors due to competition, high rent, and economic difficulties. The shops in Santee Alley are private property owned by landholders who rent out units to vendors. In 2002, the rent in Santee Alley was about $10 per square foot, which is higher than the $6-$7 rent in downtown Beverly Hills property. In my interviews with several employees, many of them stated that the owner of the business was in the process of closing down the store due to low sales and high rent. A Korean employee stated that her boss pays $3000 each month for a little hat stand at the corner of a store. Apart from high rent, immigrants also face the fear of being deported if they are caught selling counterfeit items and are unauthorized to be in the country.

Overall, Santee Alley represents a dynamic community of small business vendors coming together to make a living. Many of them are pushed into this informal economy due to discrimination, low employment opportunities, and lack of skills. Santee Alley is both a place for immigrants to maintain their livelihood and a place for them to express their political, economic, and social beliefs.

For more information:

"Fashion District." LA Fashion District. N.p., 2010, http://www.fashiondistrict.org, Accessed December 9, 2013. 

Johnson, Hillary. "Shopping Central: the Bargains are Plentiful (and so arethe Shoppers) in Downtown L.A.'s Santee Alley: Home Edition." Los Angeles Times: F.6. 2002. Print.

Nock, Magdalena Barros. "Swap Meets and Socioeconomic Alternatives for Mexican Immigrants: The Case of the San Joaquin Valley." Human Organization 68.3 (2009): 307.

Olivarez-Giles, Nathan, and Mark Medina. "Police Raids Seize Counterfeit Goods; the
Annual Christmas Crackdown Leads to 28 Arrests in Downtown L.A.'s Santee Alley." Los Angeles Times: C.3. 2008. Print.

Tienda, Marta, and Rebeca Raijman. "Immigrants' Pathways to Business Ownership: A Comparative Ethnic Perspective." International Migration Review 34.3 (2000): 682-706.

"Welcome to The Santee Alley." Welcome to The Santee Alley. N.p., n.d. http://www.thesanteealley.com, Accessed December 1, 2013.

Young, Kristin. "Up their Alley: Buyers and Fashion Fiends Alike Head to Downtown L.A..'s
Santee Alley for Cheap Chic." WWD (2002): 52S. 

Eastside Cafe

5469 N. Huntington Drive, El Sereno CA 90032

            What began as a mobile cafe, spreading its message across Latin@ Los Angeles, settled in El Sereno in 2003. The Eastside Cafe is not a coffee house, but a community learning space. It offers a variety of free classes, such as English and art lessons for children. The space holds meetings for various groups, like the Global Women’s Strike and the Health Collective. The Cafe is the latest project of the Union de Comunidades.

 

The Eastside Cafe came to existence as a response to two world changing events: the 1992 L.A Riots and the signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement in 1994. After the L.A Riots the Union de Comunidades realized the state was unreliable and the people had to bring permanent justice and peace to their communities, and that this would only be possible through the mobilizing and unity of a numerous population. Two years later, NAFTA was signed. The Zapatistas understood this would benefit very few and bring poverty to the majority. They began creating autonomous communities, politically and economically independent from the state. This inspired the Eastside Cafe to begin formulating ways the community of Eastside Los Angeles could develop a self sustaining education, economy, and awaken its political consciousness, in order to flourish as a community. They use five tools in their road to independence: rooting, networking, community scholar, community vendor, community leader, and community artists.

“Rooting” is deeply connecting to one’s roots in order to stand strong against the exploitation of the state and capital. Networking means connecting and building interdependent communities. A community scholar utilizes the skills acquired in higher education in order to critically analyze how to contribute positively to their community. Although the hegemonic idea of being successful is to work a corporate job, the community scholar applies their knowledge to solving the struggles their communities face. A community vendor is a small business owner. The Eastside Cafe promotes buying locally instead of buying from corporations, which would only support the capitalist system. The Community Artist uses their artwork to empower the community and record historical moments. A community leader believes in the community, does not abuse power, and listens to the needs of the people. 

Behind the Eastside Cafe, there are 8 abandoned bungalows the Cafe hoped to acquire to have more space for a cultural center. For the three years they have been working on this project, they have received grants and enormous community support. They plan to have a computer room, meeting rooms, a production space for pottery and sewing, and an area of yoga, dance, and theater classes. Their motto “ Para todos, todo y para nosotros nada”, “Everything for Everyone and nothing for us” reflects the beliefs of the Eastside Cafe and its commitment to the community.

For more information:

Eastside Cafe website: http://eastsidecafe.org

Hayes-Bautista, David E., Maria. O. Schink, Werner. “Latinos and the 1992 Los Angles Riots: A Behavioral Science Perspective.” Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences 15 (1993): 427-448. 

Stahler-Sholk, Richard. “The Zapatista Social Movement: Innovation and Sustainability.” Alternatives 35.3 (2010): 269-290.

Wallerstein, Immanuel. “The Commodification of Everything” Historical Capitalism

(Verso, 1983)

The Million Dollar Theater

307 South Broadway, Los Angeles, CA 90013

The 1920s were a time of racism and discrimination across America, and the entertainment industry was especially affected by segregation.  When people of color were looking for a theater where they could watch a show or a performance, they usually had to sit in poorly located seats—sometimes they were completely kept out of theaters.  Movie palaces became popular during the early 1900s because they could be a place where working class people of color could spend time being treated with a certain level of respect.

 

One of the largest movie palaces was the Million Dollar Theater in Los Angeles, which was built by Sid Grauman in 1918.  It is located at 307 South Broadway in Downtown Los Angeles.  The name of the theater comes from the fact that it cost Sid Grauman one million dollars to build it.  Famous for its front architecture, which is in a style called Churriqueresque, the theater has seating for 2,345 guests. 

 

The Million Dollar Theater has often responded to what has been going on in the city, especially socially and economically.  When the businesses on Broadway and Spring Street started to close up and leave during the Depression, the theater suffered and the office suites were abandoned.  In the 1940s, the theater became a popular place for Jazz performers like Billie Holiday.  When Metropolitan Theaters leased the theater in the early 1950s, they hosted movie premiers and stage shows.

It was during the 1960s and throughout the 1980s that the Million Dollar Theater became a favorite place for Spanish language movies, Mexican theater, and live musical performances.  Over time, as Los Angeles has changed, so has the theater’s purpose.  In the 1960s, the Million Dollar Theater featured huge movie premiers, and also became a popular place for Mexican stars to perform.  Outside of the Million Dollar Theater are plaques that identify all of the Mexican stars that performed at the theater from the 1960s to the 1980s.  Some of the most famous performers, actresses, and actors who performed at the theater were Dolores Del Rio, Maria Felix, Mario Moreno Cantinflas, Celia Cruz, Vicente Fernandez, and Antonio Aguilar.  The success of these stars and of the theater gave a man named Frank Fouce the inspiration to create some of the first Spanish language television stations in the United States.

In the 1990s, the suites above the theater were turned into apartments.  In 2006, a Spanish-language church took over ownership of the theater.  The theater was recently renovated and used again for movie screenings.  Today, the theater is vacant and owned by The Yellin Company, which also owns Grand Central Market and the Bradbury Building.

For more information:

"Historic Los Angeles Theatres -- Downtown." Historic Los Angeles Theatres -- Downtown. https://sites.google.com/site/downtownlosangelestheatres/

 

Macìas, Anthony. "Latin holidays: Mexican Americans, Latin music, and cultural identity in postwar Los Angeles." Aztlán: A Journal of Chicano Studies 30, no. 2 (2005): 65-86.

 

Ross, Steven Joseph. Working-class Hollywood: Silent Film and the Shaping of Class in America. Princeton: Princeton UP, 1998. 

Wallach, Ruth. "Million Dollar Theater (Los Angeles)." Public Art Works in the Los Angeles Historic Core. http://www.publicartinla.com/Downtown/Broadway/million_dollar_theater.html

Plaza Mexico

3100 E. Imperial Hwy., Lynwood, CA 90262

 

Plaza Mexico offers its Mexican visitors a feeling of being "home" away from home, and its non-Mexican visitors an experience of being on a Mexican getaway. Through its architectural reproductions, "Plaza Mexico's facades and architectural motifs feature replicas of cultural icons found in Mexican cities" (Irazabal, 81). Among the replicas is one of the most important symbols of the Mexican nation, the Angel of Independence, located at the main entrance of the plaza. Perhaps the most interesting, is the replica of the façade of the Palace of Jalisco. This reproduction, like the others, were carefully crafted and "even the selection of construction materials and the construction process itself [was] carefully monitored to guarantee quality and Mexican 'authenticity" (Irazabal and Gomez-Barris, 6).

"The draw of Plaza Mexico, especially on weekends, is its cultural events, ethnic and religious commodities, and an accessible, social space that 'feels like home'' (Irazabal, 81). Like its design, the cultural events reproduce Mexican traditions that connect visitors back to their roots. "Cinco de Mayo," "El Grito de la Independencia," and "Las Mañatitas a La Virgen de Guadalupe," are among the most notable traditions. In addition, the plaza serves as a place where people can go and consume Mexican goods, much like a "mercado," which creates an atmosphere that becomes so authentic that Mexicans feel like they were "there" and not "here." Thus the desire to identify themselves back to their roots becomes stronger.

 Due to the cities increased racial shifts, the plaza "provides a place of solace, gathering, and the reterritorialisation of individual and collective identities of its mostly Mexican immigrant clientele" (Irazabal and Gomez-Barris, 11). Certainly, Plaza Mexico is not only a place that invites visitors of Mexican descent to come closer to their cultural backgrounds, but also to reclaim old identities. "[It] produces a physical and cultural space that imitates 'the best' of Mexico without requiring the increasingly impossible journey of return" (Irazabal and Gomez-Barris, 3-4). Plaza Mexico is a place where Mexicans feel like they belong, a place that represents them, and a place that offers an environment that is "identity affirming". Through its architecture, its use of cultural events, and its atmosphere, Plaza Mexico becomes a defining place of identification for Mexicans in Los Angeles. 

For more information:
 

Gomez-Barris, Macarena, and Clara Irazabal. "Transnational Meaning of La Virgen De Guadalupe: Religiosity, Space and Culture at Plaza Mexico." Culture and Religion: An Interdisciplinary Journal 10.3 (2009): 339-57. 

Irazabal, Clara, and Macarena Gomez-Barris. "Bounded Tourism: Immigrant Politics, Consumption, and Traditions at Plaza Mexico." Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change 5.3 (2008): 186-213. 

Irazabal, Clara, and Ramzi Farhat. "Latino Communities in the United States: Place-Making in the Pre-World War II, Postwar, and Contemporary City." Journal of Planning Literature 22.3 (2008): 207-28.  

Irazabal, Clara. "Transnational Planning: Reconfiguring Spaces and Institutions." Transnationalism and Urbanism. 1st ed. New York: Routledge, 2012. 72-86. 

"Plaza Mexico: About The Plaza." Plaza Mexico. N.p., 2004, http://www.plazamexico.com/abouttheplaza.php, Accessed November 6, 2013.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                      

Pan American Bank

3626 E. 1^st St

Los Angeles, CA 90063

In 1964, US Treasurer Ramona Acosta Bañuelos founded the Pan American Bank with the goal of providing financial services to the underserved East Los Angeles Latino community. The exterior of the bank is reminiscent of the decade in which its doors first opened and with the newly restored mosaic titled “Our Past, Our Present, Our Future,” Pan American retains its commitment to the Latino history and culture that led to its creation.

The Pan American Bank was established in the predominantly Latino East Los Angeles community because of exclusionary banking practices that did not provide Latinos with the opportunity to access much needed financial services. The exclusionary practices of Bank of America, Wells Fargo, and other large banks provided limited access to home loans. The residents that were approved were issued loans with high interest rates that were higher than those issued to white borrowers. Since the 1930s banks redlined certain areas within the city, including East LA, as neighborhoods eligible for only a limited amount of loans. This drastically reduced the possibility of homeownership within the East LA community. These practices were fueled by the belief that Latinos lowered the property value of middle-class white neighborhoods. Banks also scrutinized the work and credit histories of Latino applicants in order to identify reasons to deny their loan application. This type of discrimination combined with the history of the formation of East Los Angeles helped lay the foundation that allowed Pan American Bank to become a prominent and accessible banking institution within the community. The bank promotes its commitment to the community by providing bilingual assistance to its clientele and incorporating Latino culture and history in its services.

During the 2008 recession, Pan American Bank was able to remain a solid financial services provider for East LA residents. They have remained committed to offering their customers affordable loans, even when presented with credit and work histories that most banks would be hesitant to accept.

The mosaic located on the façade of the bank helps to reaffirm the culture and history of the community. Each of the four main panels focuses on the past and future of Latinos in Los Angeles. This mosaic displays the strong sense of pride and connection that residents have with their past and the history of oppression they faced in their home countries and the US. The restoration of the mosaic highlights the importance that this piece of artwork has on inculcating a sense of pride in Latino heritage.

The bank is located on a busy street, flanked by small businesses on its sides, with residential housing behind it. Small businesses and residents are Pan American Bank’s main clients; therefore their prime location is no accident. Members of the East LA community who live in the area because of its affordability and community atmosphere find comfort in the strong presence that Pan American has within the city. It is a bank that accepts and welcomes their culture, history, and customs because the struggles of Latinos in Los Angeles are what led to its creation. The housing restrictions that pushed Latinos into the Eastside, the influx of Latino immigrants, and the community building that took place in East LA helped to form the perfect environment for Pan American to flourish.

The success that Pan American Bank has experienced in East Los Angeles allowed for it to establish another branch within East LA as well as another located in Santa Ana. Even with this expansion Pan American remains committed to servicing the Latino community.

For more information:

Delgado, Melvin, and Keva Barton. "Murals in Latino Communities: Social Indicators of Community Strengths." Social Work 43:4 (1998): 346-56.

Nixon, Ron. "Application Denied: Do Lending Institutions Overlook Hispanics?" Hispanic 11:30 (1998).  

Sturdivant, Frederick D. "Business and the Mexican-American Community." California  Management Review 11:3 (1969): 8.

Plaza

739 N. La Brea Avenue Los Angeles, CA 90038

Queer people of color often face the difficulty of identifying as both queer and a person of color. These identities are often thought to conflict with one another. This was true (and continues to be true) for queer Latin@s who are rejected by both their Latin@ families/community and from the larger white queer community; their experiences continue to be unknown to both the larger queer and non-queer community. This is due in part to the failure on behalf of the larger queer community to recognize how race especially shapes how queer people of color experience homophobia and racism. The limited ability to create public gay-friendly spaces within Latin@ communities that were comparable to white queer spaces was a major barrier to queer Latin@s. Many queer Latin@s found it difficult to express their queer lifestyle within their ethnic community because of the prevailing religious and cultural stigmas associated with homosexuality. Results from a study by Mario Espitia confirmed that Latin@ families were not usually tolerant of their queer children making what should be a safe space, the family, a potentially unsafe space for queer Latin@s. The study indicates that Latin@ cultural and familial values have the greatest impact on the coming-out process for many queer Latin@s. As opposed to the many ethnic and racial communities of some queer people of color (communities that did not necessarily embrace queer people), Los Angeles, in particular the West Hollywood region was long believed to be more tolerant and accepting of queer identified individuals. For many newly identified queer people of color, the region was not always as welcoming as imagined.

Plaza is located in Hollywood and was created in an attempt to provide an openly queer and Latin@ community space for people. Ernest Valverde established the bar/club in response to the racial discrimination faced by queer people of color during the 1970s. Valverde, “simply wanted a place for gay Latino kids to hang out without getting into trouble,” says Leo, the current manager of Plaza. Its original location was on La Brea Avenues about one block south of its current location. Many predominantly white gay venues would openly refuse to serve queer people of color. It was during this time that a variety of social venues such as clubs, bars, and lounges dedicated to people of color began appearing and gaining a loyal clientele. The move to its current location was brought about by the need for a larger venue to accommodate more people (evidence of its success with the targeted community). Many if not all of the patrons that initially flocked to Plaza were Latin@s in search of a place where they could speak Spanish and be understood, for a place where their musical taste was reflected, and where they could feel safe from both the homophobia found in many of their ethnic communities and the racism found in many white gay establishments. Plaza provided all of this and more. It was a bar where the drinks were (and continue to be) relatively inexpensive, where the dance floor was full of Latin@s dancing traditional Latin@ forms of dance (such as cumbia, merengue, salsa), and the drag shows were predominantly of Mexican celebrities, singers, with the occasional American artist making an appearance.

Plaza certainly was not intended to become a political space, but its ability to instill a sense of belonging and cultural pride among its patrons by promoting inclusivity made it incredibly influential in their lives. The consequences of not having this sense of belonging were dire and included being forced to hide their identity and/or engaging in situations/places where they were in danger of being targeted as victims of racism or hate. Plaza served as a venue for community building among queer Latin@s especially in dire times such as during the 1980s and the AIDS hysteria. Leo, the current manager of Plaza, recalls Plaza hosting a few fundraising events to benefit some of the patrons affected by AIDS as well as making donations to AIDS research. Plaza was also one of the first queer bars to publicly embrace lesbians by creating a “Ladies Night” held on Mondays specifically for lesbian Latinas. According to Leo, most gay clubs paid little attention to its lesbian clientele and only began doing in an attempt to imitate Plaza. Clearly Plaza was a vanguard of inclusivity; they made strides in expanding and embracing other Latin@s that also identified as queer but were not initially welcome in men-only gay clubs. Without a doubt Plaza prioritized community building and in doing so demonstrated both the influence of the Latin@ community as well as the community’s potential for creating social change within the larger Los Angeles queer community.

Plaza continues to serve an overwhelming Latin@ clientele at its location. Now it is a place where older queer Latin@ individuals can come to reminisce about bygone times and watch the new, young, and hip queer Latin@s come of age as they once did.

  

For more information:

Espitia, Mario. “Coming-out Among Gay Latino Men: The Effects of Catholicism and Traditional Culture.” M.S.W. California State University, Long Beach, 2007.

Faderman, Lillian, and Stuart Timmons. Gay L.A.: A History of Sexual Outlaws, Power Politics, and Lipstick Lesbians. Berkeley: University of California, 2009: 281-299.

Hom, Alice Y. “Unifying Differences: Lesbian of Color Community Building In Los Angeles and New York, 1970s-1980s.” Ph.D. The Claremont Graduate University, 2011. 

Ibañez, Gladys E. et al. “General and Gay-related Racism Experienced by Latino Gay Men.” Journal of Latina/o Psychology 1.S (2012): 66–77.

Maltun, Alan. “Gay Community Gaining Tolerance, Prosperity in Northeast L.A.: Communication Barriers Down in Diverse Neighborhood GAYS: Prospering, Being Accepted in Northeast L.A.” Los Angeles Times, April 18, 1982.

      Moore, Mignon R. "Black and Gay L.A.: The Relationships Black Lesbians and Gay Men Have to Their Racial and Religious Communities." In Black Los Angeles: American Dreams and Racial Realities, edited by Darnell M. Hunt and Ana-Christina Ramón, 188-212. New York: New York UP, 2010.

Writer, Ginger Thompson. “Minority Gays Find Strength in Unity.” Los Angeles Times, April 30, 1989.

Wyvernwood Garden Apartments

2901 E. Olympic Blvd.

Wyvernwood Garden Apartments were established in 1939 in Boyle Heights, CA. Consisting of 70 acres that hold approximately 1200 units, 6000 residents fear relocation due to a proposed 15- year redevelopment project by Fifteen Group. Fifteen Group is a Florida- based development company that is utilizing Wyvernwood as its first west coast redevelopment project. As Los Angeles’s first large scale garden apartment community, Wyvernwood is projected for demolition in order to create 4,400 new units and an additional 300,000 square feet office and retail space. Loyall F. Watson and David J. Witmer, who later became the chief architects of the Pentagon, built Wyvernwood after WWII’s shortage of homes. Architecture was used as a social tool to improve the lives of working class people through quality affordable housing that allowed them to have a sense of community with other residents.

Some residents are currently struggling to preserve their homes while other residents support the demolition and redevelopment of the entire apartment complex. Residents who are fighting redevelopment prefer to utilize Fifteen Group’s proposed $2 billion budget to repair their homes and invest in their existing community rather than demolishing the units to build new ones. Some perceive this project as an act of gentrification, which, according to Neil Smith’s The New Urban Frontier: Gentrification and the Revanchist City, means that middle and upper class housing can be developed in urban areas at the expense of lower class people residing in the proposed redevelopment area. In other words, lower class residents are kicked out, the area is “cleansed”, and the middle and upper class benefit from the final product while developers make their profit. Or as Nestor Rodriguez says in “Urban Redevelopment and Mexican American Barrios in the Socio- Spatial Order”, “The goal is not to redevelop the residential base of neighborhood populations but to reconfigure urban space into a more profitable environment for capital.” The fear of residents losing their homes in order for developers and businesses to make a profit has been seen repeatedly throughout LA’s history through Chavez Ravine, Bunker Hill, and Aliso Village. Some residents fear the environmental impacts that include air quality and cultural resources, which are classified as some of the most significant and unavoidable impacts in Wyvernwood’s Final Environmental Impact Report. One of the air pollutants that would be emitted from the demolition includes high-levels of PM10 concentrations, which are small particles that can get into the lungs, potentially causing serious health problems. The impact on cultural resources has gained the attention of and support from organizations such as the Los Angeles Conservancy. The Los Angeles Conservancy serves to recognize, preserve, and revitalize the historic architectural and cultural resources of Los Angeles County. Wyvernwood has been listed as a historic district in the California Register of Historical Resources and is a candidate for being listed in the National Register for Historic Places. Demolishing this historic district would mean destroying a major architectural achievement of its time and destroying a community that has flourished over generations.

Wyvernwood's original layout.

Supporters of the redevelopment project claim that this project would create a safer environment for their children where they won’t have to fear, for example, being electrocuted by a faulty wall socket. They are excited about having refurbished living units where the plumbing and electricity efficiently works and air conditioning is provided. They believe that Wyvernwood is too old to be preserved and that it’s better to create brand new apartment complexes than to continue spending money on home repairs. Although the project would take 15 years to complete, its construction phases allow some people to continue living in their homes while redevelopment occurs. Those who must relocate are promised one of the new units, at the same affordable rent price, when completed.

Rendering of proposed New Wyvernwood Apartments.

Wyvernwood today.

For More Information

Rodriguez, Nestor. "Urban Redevelopment and Mexican American Barrios in the Socio- Spatial Order." in Latino Urbanism: The Politics of Planning, Policy, and Redevelopment, Ed. David R. Diaz and Rodolfo D. Torres. . New York: New York University, 2012.

Smith, Neil. "Part 1: Toward the Theory of Gentrification." The New Urban Frontier: Gentrification and the Revanchist City. London: Routledge, 1996.